臺灣海陸客家話句末助詞研究

Abstract

本論文擬著眼於個別句末助詞的意義與句法屬性，以及多個句末助詞連用的規律，將臺灣海陸客家話的句末助詞分成「時間助詞」、「疑問助詞」、「認識情態與句類助詞」、「示證、評價與言談助詞」與「回饋助詞」五大類；其中，「時間助詞」與「疑問助詞」屬於屈折層級（inflectional layer），「認識情態與句類助詞」、「示證、評價與言談助詞」與「回饋助詞」則屬於補詞層級（complementizer layer）。位於屈折層級的時間助詞與疑問助詞，均屬小句內部的成分，故可出現於各種嵌套小句（embedded clause）。至於位處補詞層級的各種句末助詞，則是小句以外的成分，故原則上僅能出現於根句（root clause），不能進入嵌套小句。上述各類句末助詞的連用次序，由左至右依序為：屈折層級句末助詞> 認識情態與句類助詞 > 示證、評價與言談助詞 > 回饋助詞。 時間助詞「咧時間」表示語句所述事態（state of affairs）與當前時況（situation）的相關性，這種相關性可體現為五種意義：一、新的事態；二、更正錯誤的假設；三、到目前為止的進展；四、決定後續發生的事情；五、結束陳述。 疑問助詞「無」與「吂」均可表示是非問，二者的區別主要在於是否含有「與當前時況相關性」的意義：「無」不含這一層意義，「吂」則含有這一層意義。 「認識情態與句類助詞」是指表示認識情態（epistemic modality）或是某種句類（sentence type）的句末助詞。根據本論文的考察，臺灣海陸客家話的認識情態與句類助詞應有「認識情態助詞（敢）」、「疑問句類助詞（啊疑問、咩毋係？、咩疑問、嘎）」與「感嘆句類助詞（哦）」三類。 「示證、評價與言談助詞」所傳達的意義主要與示證（evidential）、評價（evaluative）或言談語用（discourse-pragmatic）功能有關。本論文將臺灣海陸客家話的十一個「示證、評價與言談助詞」分為「報導示證與意外標記（話）」、「關注標記（啊關注、噢、呢關注）」、「顯著性標記（哪、嘛）」、「對比性標記（哩、咧對比）」、「認知改變標記（呢認知改變、欸）」、「言談結束標記（啦）」六類，說明這些句末助詞的語法意義與言談語用功能。「回饋助詞」的言談語用功能與「回應、回饋」有關，比如說：「吓」表示說話人希望聽話人對說話人所說的話加以回應；「嗬」或表示說話人向聽話人徵求對句子內容的肯定或認同，或表示說話人確認聽話人對句子內容無異議，或表示說話人對聽話人所言的認同。本論文的價值在於：兼顧結構與功能的觀點，針對臺灣海陸客家話的句末助詞完成具系統性與準確性的研究，並為漢語句末助詞的研究提供一種可行的研究架構。Based on the meanings, syntactic properties, and linear order of the sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Taiwanese Hailu Hakka, this dissertation divides the SFPs in Taiwanese Hailu Hakka into five categories: a “temporal particle,” “question particles,” “epistemic modality and sentence-type particles,” “evidential, evaluative, and discourse particles,” and “feedback particles.” The “temporal particle” and “question particles” are located in the inflectional layer, while the “epistemic modality and sentence-type particles,” “evidential, evaluative, and discourse particles,” and “feedback particles” are located in the complementizer layer. Because the “temporal particle” and “question particles,” which are located in the inflectional layer, are constituents of a small clause, they can occur in embedded clauses. Conversely, the SFPs in the complementizer layer are constituents outside a small clause and thus generally occur in root clauses and not in embedded clauses. The left-to-right linear order of the SFPs in Taiwanese Hailu Hakka is as follows: inflectional layer SFPs> epistemic modality and sentence-type particles > evidential, evaluative, and discourse particles > feedback particles. The temporal particle letime indicates the relevance between the state of affairs described in a clause and the current situation. This relevance may involve: (a) a changed state, (b) correcting a wrong assumption, (c) progress so far, (d) determining what will happen next, or (e) closing a statement. The question particles mo and maŋ have the capability to form yes-no questions. The distinction between mo and maŋ is whether they contain the meaning of relevance to the current situation. Mo does not contain this meaning, whereas maŋ does.Epistemic modality and sentence-type particles are SFPs that indicate epistemic modality or a specific sentence type. There are three kinds of epistemic modality and sentence-type particles in Taiwanese Hailu Hakka: an epistemic modality particle (kam), interrogative particles (aINT, metag question, meINT, and ka), and an exclamative particle (ɤ).Evidential, evaluative, and discourse particles are mainly related to evidential, evaluative, or discourse-pragmatic categories. This dissertation divides the eleven evidential, evaluative, and discourse particles into six categories: a reported evidential and mirative marker (va), personal concern markers (aconcern, o, and no), markers of obviousness (na and ma), markers of contrast (li and lecontrast), markers of change in thinking (ne and e), and a marker of finality (la). The grammatical meanings and discourse-pragmatic functions of these eleven SFPs are presented in this dissertation.The discourse-pragmatic functions of the feedback particles are related to response and feedback. For example, hã indicates that the speaker hopes the hearer will respond to what the speaker has said; hõ indicates the speaker’s request for the hearer’s affirmation or agreement about the content of the sentence, the speaker’s confirmation that the hearer has no objection to the content of the sentence, or the speaker’s agreement about what the hearer has said.This dissertation makes two key contributions: a systematic and accurate analysis of the SFPs in Taiwanese Hailu Hakka, and the development of a viable model for investigating the SFPs across the Sinitic languages, integrating structural and functional perspectives.